I mentioned in the previous post two aspects of Goethe's scientific ambitions. One was the lack of application of any of his scientific pursuits. For instance, they didn't contribute to improvements in agriculture or to street lighting in Weimar. The second was Goethe's desire for recognition by scientists and his bitter disappointment at this lack of recognition.
As with scientists of his day, Goethe sought to explain the workings of nature, but his view of nature was radically different from theirs. Here is Kohlbrugge (see last post) on this difference:
“[Goethe] glaubte an seine spinozistische (pantheistische) Gott-Natur, die alles durchdringt, und wollte durch diese alles erklären. Er glaubte durch seine Denkkraft den Gedankengang der Gottheit ergründen zu können. Die Naturgesetze, nach denen er forschte, waren darum auch nicht mechanischer Art, sondern psychischer, ganz wie die Formen eines Kunstwerkes durch die Psyche des Künstlers bestimmt werden” (63-64).
According to Kohlbrugge, he shared his ideas with Schelling, founder of the school of “Naturphilosophie,” which sought to give everything a psychological grounding; facts no longer played a leading role. The adherents of this school accused the “concrete” school of being collectors of facts that could not be explained and that did not satisfy the human spirit on the questions of “why” and “how.”
Kohlbrugge claims that Goethe was a "Naturphilosoph" in his desire to prove the unity of nature, but that he viewed nature aesthetically, not scientifically. Here is Kohlbrugge's final observation:
“Wir haben bei Goethe stets im Auge zu behalten, daß seine vergleichend anatomischen Studien und seine Spinozistische Weltanschauung ihn zu einem eifrigen Anhänger der altbetkannten Theorie gemacht hatten, daß die Gottheit-Natur alle Tiere nach einem Grundplan, nach einem Urmodell gebildet habe, welches dann je nach den Umständen von ihr in tausendfacher Weise abgeänderte wurde. Diesen Gedanken übertrug er nun auf die Pflanzenwelt und suchte überall nach diesem Urmodell oder Urtypus der Pflanze, von dem die Natur ausgegangen sein könnte. Er forschte danach in ganz gleicher Weise wie er bei Gebäuden und Gemälden die Idee suchte, welche der Künstler in seinem Werke zum Ausdruck hatte bringen wollen” (114).
One learns more about Goethe's view of nature by reading opponents of that view, rather than the defenders.
Picture credits: Philosophy for Change; True Pictures
Showing posts with label Jacob Hermann Friedrich Kohlbrugge. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jacob Hermann Friedrich Kohlbrugge. Show all posts
Saturday, February 28, 2015
Thursday, February 26, 2015
Goethe and the scientists
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| Goethe observing the light |
The section that most interested me right off the bat concerns the reception of Goethe as scientist, a 38-page essay authored by Bianca Bican and Manfred Wenzel. I am only about half way through, as I keep getting held up by following some of the writers who have opined on Goethe's scientific activities. I am familiar with some of the big names in this regard: Helmholtz, Heisenberg, Ernst Haeckel, Emil De Bois-Reymond, and Rudolf Steiner, but I had never heard of Jacob Hermann Friedrich Kohlbrugge, whose Historisch-kritische Studien über Goethe als Naturforscher was published in 1913. According to the article, Kohlbrugge subjects Goethe's scientific writings to a "herber Kritik, indem er sie weitgehend as Plagiate bezeichnete, denen nur Opportunisten ihren Beifall schenkten." I found Kohlbrugge's book online –– the photocopy from the University of Toronto library was massively marked in the margins –– and read it.
Kohlbrugge was a biologist, and he states that he wrote out of a spirit of opposition to all of the books claiming Goethe as a pathbreaking scientist, including in regard to evolution. Kohlbrugge makes a nice distinction concerning the term "pre-Darwinist," which only applies to those scientists who asserted actual evolutionary descent or "Abstammung" before Darwin. According to Kohlbrugge, it was Rousseau who first stimulating thinking about this possibility, which was taken up by French materialists and writers of the Encyclopédie. The debate on the origins of language in the 18th century also made some people consider the possibility. Herder, writes Kohlbrugge, struggled with the idea as well. Later, in Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit (1785) he wrote: “Der Menschheit jüngere Brüder sind die Tiere.” However, he opposed Rousseau’s idea that men were once four-footed creatures, believing in the “Unveränderlichkeit der Art.” Goethe had read Rousseau carefully, and he gave much thought to the relatedness of man and ape, which led to the studies of the jaw bone. But he did not publish his manuscript for 34 years, which show that he changed his opinion about the relationship of man and animal. He turned his back on the “Abstammungstheorie,” in the sense of a blood relationship, and seems never to have considered the possibility of unlimited new species through exterior influences.
Kohlbrugge is indeed very severe on Goethe as a scientist and contends that “Kunst und Naturbetrachtung waren bei Goethe stets innig vereinigt.” His study, however, is a thorough presentation, including many, many 17th-, 18th-, and early 19th-century sources, while placing Goethe's efforts within the context of the time in which he was working.
There are two things that strike me about Goethe's scientific efforts. The first is that he did not engage in the kind of experimentation that led to any practical applications. For instance, as I have learned from an article by John Moyker on the intellectual origins of modern economic growth, “The great Lavoisier worked on assorted applied problems, including as a young man on the chemistry of gypsum and the problems of street lighting.” Moyker also mentions “Linnaeus's belief that skillful naturalists could transform farming was widely shared and inspired the establishment of agricultural societies and farm improvement organizations throughout Europe.” Goethe's experiments did not contribute to the accumulation of facts or knowledge that propelled the scientific revolution. On the other hand, he was responsible for bringing important scientists to the university at Jena.
This brings me to the second thing: his lucubrations were in the realm of "Weltbild," and he seems to have regarded his work in science as fundamental to the understanding of nature. Thus, his desire for recognition by serious scientists, and his bitterness at their dismissal of him as a scientist. Their "natural laws" had nothing in common with Goethe's, which, according to Kohlbrugge, were “nicht mechanischer Art, sondern psychischer, ganz wie die Formen eines Kunstwerkes durch die Psyche des Künstlers bestimmt.”
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